The palace regime is weaker today than yesterday. The entire labouring leftist movement must quickly organise united fronts and positions of struggle against the palace fascism with new courage. All united struggle fronts and organizations must immediately act to create a higher level of political intelligence and unity of struggle in the face of the new attack concept.
It has been revealed with all its data that the Rojava Revolution stands at the centre of the political conjuncture that opened with the fascist MHP leader Bahçeli’s handshake with the DEM Party members in the Turkish Grand National Assembly on 1 October 2024. The two critical facts left behind by this new political process define the main parameters of a period strategy for the colonial fascist Turkish bourgeois state. These two closely related developments are: the colonial regime beginning talks and dialogue with Kurdish leader Abdullah Öcalan, and the fall of the Ba’ath regime in Syria, with the jihadist HTS gang, as a puppet of imperialists, taking power in Damascus. Both of these facts, showing the two sides of the same coin, point to a single goal: the Rojava Revolution.
If we want to proceed in the revolutionary direction on the field of class struggle, the Rojava Revolution must be the main parameter of all our political analyses. Today, from the Imralı talks to all other political events and developments, they come together at the point of the Rojava Revolution and Syria. The uninterrupted war against the Kurdish people inside and outside is developing and will continue to develop on this strategic axis.
The new situation at hand reshapes the geopolitical positioning of the colonial Turkish bourgeois state as a regional imperial power. Claiming a share in Syria’s new structure and determining the future of Rojava materializes as the current strategy of the regional expansionist regime. In other words, the fate or the right to existence of the Rojava Revolution is being tested and determined again.
In this context, we emphasize that the strategic reading of the entire process so far has found expression in the recent update of the National Security Policy Document (MGSB) in the last National Security Council (MGK) meeting. We know that in the strategic management system of the colonial fascist state, the MGSB establishes and implements the political strategies and comprehensive plans for specific periods. Undoubtedly, the new MGSB updates the attack concept against the Kurdish nation and its leader, especially against revolutionary and communist movements, and presents a new action plan to the state.
If we move from the practice and facts, the fascist palace regime wants to continue its strategy of collapse under new conditions and to achieve its goals by making the best use of the opportunities created in regional conditions. At the same time, the colonial regime considers the elimination of the conditions and risks against it in the region as a priority goal. The İmralı talks and simultaneous invasive war attacks against Rojava embody this strategy. The terror of arrest against the free press, the massacre of journalists in Rojava, the attempts to contain socialist institutions and all revolutionary socialists with the terror of arrest express the introduction of this new attack concept. This terror of arrest, which clearly shows that the new wave of total attack has begun, also provides practical evidence of how the dialogue process that started with İmralı will be carried out intertwined with a war of breaking the will.
Colonial fascism tries to use all its means and instruments to achieve its regional strategic goals to the limit. It tries every method to engage the fascist jihadist HTS for its expansionist goals. To disarm and eliminate the Rojava Revolution, it is pressuring the doors of Iraq and Gulf states. It is attempting to use the KDP as a tool to neutralize or assist in the liquidation of the Rojava Revolution.
The situation formed under the determining hegemony of imperialists in Syria, the possibility of the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria gaining status and international legitimacy, is a nightmare for the colonial Turkish bourgeois state. That’s why it has knocked on the door of Imralı. It has attempted to take initiative through Imralı against developments in the Middle East. It has made a strategic move to control the process. Colonialism is trying to exclude or integrate all political forces that could influence this policy both inside and outside.
As clearly demonstrated by the lessons of the first Imralı talks and the negotiation process, such critical and strategic policy moments have been carried out side by side with the colonial regime’s political annihilation attacks. The large-scale KCK operations before the first negotiation period show this as a historical experience. Although there is no ongoing negotiation process today, the AKP-MHP fascist government bloc seeks to carry out a will-breaking and possible process entirely under its control. This situation shows how cornered and fragile the colonial state is, while also preventing the political socialization of the issue. It gathers and accelerates all possibilities to impose a surrender agreement on the Kurdish people and their leadership.
The political Islamist fascist regime is launching a new fascist terror campaign aimed at subduing all political and social opposition, including the working-class left movement. This new wave of attack, accompanied by normalization, softening, and the Imralı talks, is taking on the character of total war. The scope of the arrest terror is expanding towards the bourgeois opposition parties. The operations against the bourgeois party CHP and the arrest of the racist fascist Ümit Özdağ demonstrate the political polarization and clash of the bourgeoisie in the new political context.
The political annihilation arrests targeting ESP, SKM, and SGDF represent a new phase in the fascist liquidationist attack and siege strategy. The attempt to break the backbone of revolutionary socialists with a political annihilation attack and eliminate them organizationally and politically is significant. When considered in relation to the current political context, it is clear that the target is the strategic alliance between revolutionary socialists and the Kurdish freedom movement. Revolutionary socialists are a component and the strongest internationalist wing of the Rojava Revolution. That is why, throughout all previous periods, they have been the primary target of the colonial fascist regime. The effort to murder 33 revolutionaries reflects this truth. The targeting of Marxist-Leninist communist forces in Rojava with drone attacks and the killing of selected communist leaders and cadres illustrates another facet of this truth.
The entire working-class left movement, including ESP, SKM, and SGDF, which are fighting on the line of practical legitimate struggle against the fascist palace regime, is now the target of this new attack concept. Because the fascist palace regime is ready for a new invasion war and is on high alert. It does not want any dissenting voices on the dometic front. It is moving forward to solidify the internal front through fascist terror. By spreading fear with fascist terror, it is imposing a new division: either you are with me, or you are my enemy.
The political Islamist fascist regime is increasingly losing its capacity to produce social consent and legitimacy. Its economic and political terror policies accumulate growing political anger and dissatisfaction among the broadest sections of society. Fully aware of the explosive social materials and political anger buildup, and understanding this deeply with the intuition and experience of the ruling class, the palace regime is attacking the leading forces of the working class and the oppressed social classes. It threatens all sections of social opposition with the fear and syndrome of the Gezi uprising. The palace regime is weaker today compared to yesterday. The entire working-class left movement must organize new courage against palace fascism and quickly organize united struggle fronts and positions.All united fronts and organisations of struggle must act immediately to create a higher level of political mind and unity of struggle against the new attack concept. They must come together most broadly to form new struggle organizations and raise the struggle, crushing the rule of the oppressors with the overwhelming force of the oppressed.
*Editorial published in the 204th issue of ATILIM, the Voice of the Working Class and the Oppressed, dated 31 January.