The massacre of the Alawites, carried out in the first week of March in the Syrian provinces of Latakia and Tartus under the pretext of “eliminating the remnants of the regime,” was an attempt and the beginning of a genocide. With the support and collaboration of Turkey, the HTS and SNA gangs aimed to nip an Alawite self-defense uprising in the bud and crush it before it could even begin. The culprits and those responsible for this massacre are known. The fact that HTS, instead of preventing the Alawite massacre, was itself the main orchestrator dramatically demonstrated that it is impossible for HTS to establish a government capable of ensuring peaceful coexistence for all Syrian peoples and respecting their existence and rights. Yet, the massacre of the Alawites did not strengthen the HTS-led Provisional Syrian Administration; on the contrary, it weakened it politically and diplomatically, called its already scant legitimacy into question, and aroused the distrust of the Syrian peoples.
Under these circumstances, an 8-point “agreement” between the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and the Syrian Transitional Government was announced on March 10. Both sides issued a joint statement on the issues and problems they had agreed upon. This agreement could also be described as a declaration of principles or a preliminary accord. The fact that it quickly became the most significant topic on the international agenda regarding Syria is a key indicator of its importance.
The meeting between the Syrian Democratic Forces and the Syrian Transitional Government, the equal and binding signature of the SDF and its commander Mazlum Abdi, and the content of the agreement represent a significant gain in themselves, given the official recognition of the reality of North and East Syria. Even though the agreement does not define a status for Rojava-North and East Syria, the political recognition of North and East Syria should be celebrated as a major political and diplomatic success.
The agreement marks an important historical threshold for the possibility of creating a new Syria. For the Rojava Revolution, with all its reality, is a contractual party to the agreement. The first point of the agreement is particularly significant in this regard: “Ensuring the right of all Syrians to representation and participation in the political process and all state institutions based on their competence, regardless of religious or ethnic origin.” The recognition of the existence and rights of all religious and national communities—Christians, Alawites, Druze, Syrians, Chaldeans, Armenians, Kurds, Turkmen—is the principle that leads to a democratic Syria. The democratic values of the Rojava Revolution are spreading across all of Syria through this agreement. From this perspective, the SDF is seen as the representative of the Syrian people vis-à-vis the HTS-led Syrian Transitional Government. The SDF is being thrust into this historic position by developments in Syria and as the bearer of the achievements of the Rojava Revolution.
The fact that the SDF is gaining the trust of the Syrian peoples is extremely valuable for Syria’s future. It demonstrates that the alliance between Kurds and Arabs, born in North and East Syria, is spreading across the entirety of Syria. This development is taking root among broad segments of the Syrian Arab population, who reject a Sharia regime, as well as among Christians, Alawites, Druze, Assyrians, Chaldeans, and Armenians. The fact that the SDF consulted with Alawites, Christians, and Druze before the agreement and incorporated their demands is of great importance for fostering trust and democratic cooperation among the peoples.
The agreement confirms that its negotiating partners accept the SDF as the representative of the Kurdish people, with the article stating: “Recognition of the Kurdish population as an indigenous group of the Syrian state, guaranteeing their right to citizenship and all constitutional rights and freedoms.” The fact that the KDP supports the agreement, despite the exclusion of the ENKS, is also noteworthy. This neutralized the negative role of the ENKS, which has taken a reactionary stance since the beginning of the Rojava Revolution.
The Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria has, from the outset, declared its commitment to the unity of Syria. Even after the fall of the Assad regime, it continued this line, engaging in discussions with the Syrian Transitional Government about the issues and seeking solutions. The integration of the SDF, or North and East Syria, into Syria is not a new topic. Salih Muslim’s statement that “with this agreement, we are now partners of the Syrian state” reflects that the parties have fundamentally agreed on an “integration.” In other words, it emphasizes that they have agreed to be “partners of the state.”
When an agreement, accord, or unification is reached between two “parties,” it means that both sides have a “need” for it. Each party may seek to fulfill different needs, but there may also be “shared” interests. The parties come closer to one another but do not cease to be “parties.” This applies to the agreement between the Syrian Democratic Forces and the SyrianTransitional Government as well—it would not be incorrect to note that the entirety of the points and the character of the agreement are shaped by the position, demands, and values of the SDF.
It was decided that a committee would be formed for each point of the agreement to work on practical implementation within a year. This means that the “struggle” continues, and efforts will be made to concretize the preliminary agreements or established principled positions. For this process to proceed soundly, the revolutionary forces must manage their relations with their negotiating partners as if keeping a real enemy in sight. In particular, Point 6—“Support for the Syrian state in its fight against the remnants of the Assad regime and all threats to its security and unity”—reflects the pressure on the HTS-led Syrian Transitional Government and places responsibility on the SDF. Given HTS’s Salafist roots, its support for Sharia, its anti-people stance, and its attempt to justify yesterday’s massacre of the Alawites under the pretext of fighting “Assad supporters” and for “security” reasons, it must be emphasized that the revolutionary forces need to exercise the highest political vigilance in implementing this article.
The situation created by the agreement, its imperialist guarantors, and the point calling for a “ceasefire in all areas of Syria” suggest that it will now be more difficult for the fascist leadership regime (meaning the Turkish state) to intervene in Rojava. The imperialist guarantor states that pushed the sides toward unification naturally pursue their own interests in the region. The influence of the fascist Turkish regime on HTS is undoubtedly significant, but this agreement shows that it is not as great as perception management operations have made it seem. While Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Kuwait, and other countries expressed their satisfaction and support for the agreement without hesitation, the fascist President Erdoğan’s emphasis on the “full implementation of the agreement” stands out. This suggests that Turkey is taking on the role of the spoilsport regarding the agreement. The propaganda, pressure, and threats from the fascist Devlet Bahçeli (MHP party leader) that the SDF must lay down its arms based on the call of Kurdish people’s leader Abdullah Öcalan have been nullified by this agreement.
Both holding those responsible for the Alawite massacre in Syria accountable and the practical implementation and advancement of the agreement between the SDF and the Syrian Transitional Government in favor of revolutionary democratic forces, as well as fulfilling the demands of Abdullah Öcalan’s call for “peace and a democratic society,” require, above all, that revolutionary socialists devote all their strength and resources to strengthening the struggles of Turkish workers and the oppressed.
An end to the massacre of the Alawites in Syria, all responsible leaders and commanders before international courts! The fascist colonial administration of Tayyip Erdoğan must immediately declare a ceasefire! Abdullah Öcalan and political prisoners must be released, colonialist attacks must stop! The occupation of Rojava and Başûr must end! The national existence of the Kurds and the right to education in their mother tongue must be constitutionally and legally recognized! The fascist colonial anti-terror law must be abolished! With such urgent, concrete demands, it is time for all anti-fascist forces to unite, take action, and seize the initiative!
March 14, 2025, Friday